2016年7月7日 星期四

中產階級下流化不關我的事?

中產階級下流化不關我的事?
20160707
丁學文

大家都說英國脫歐會很慘、英鎊會暴跌,大不列顛會變成小英格蘭!可是我很窮,即使利己損人,我也要賭一把,所以623日英國老百姓公投決定脫歐;大家都說罷工會被公司開除,公司形象會崩壞,很多人搭不到飛機很可憐!可是我很窮,即使利己損人,我也要賭一把,所以624日華航空服員決定罷工;大家都說這幫人不懂政治,只會口出狂言!可是我很窮,即使利己損人,我也要賭一把,所以柯P大人以及川普大亨橫空出世。這個世界瀰漫著一股不滿現狀、急思突破的怒氣,難怪最新一期經濟學人要以〈憤怒政治學〉(The politics of anger來形容現今全球反骨的現象。

曾經日不落的大不列顛,一直溫良恭儉讓的台灣,怎麼會這樣?我覺得真正原因就是大家窮怕了。看看台灣,工資20年鐵打不動,已經變成琅琅上口地理所當然,卻沒有人可以提出解決方法,愛台灣的人越來越無奈,越來越失落。原因何在?除了台灣經濟高速增長的年代不再,更因為在資本為王的時代,你不是既得利益者、富二代或官二代,你就會發現賺錢越來越難。問題是沒有可以期待的未來,沒有可以改變這種狀態的機會,曾經的激情慢慢被消磨成憤怒,終於陷入「可是我很窮,即使利己損人,我也要賭一把」的不得不。

這很奇怪,大家用著比過去更好的手機,有著比過去更夯的娛樂享受,為什麼卻有很窮的感覺?這是長期寬鬆貨幣環境下,資產畸形上漲的結果。如果你是趕上泡沫盛宴的一群,擁有不動產、有價證券,你就可以靠房價、資本利得、房租擁有穩定、不斷現金流的生活。但一般人即使工作多年,如果未持有資產,就會越來越窮。這說明什麼?說明資產比人力更值錢。人賺錢難、錢賺錢易,反映出人力資源所得回報竟然比資產低,新政府必須想方設法讓逐利資本願意追逐人才,千萬別再以台灣人才物美價廉而洋洋得意,唯有讓資本回頭爭奪人才,企業資本支出才會增加,股市動能方能重啟,人力回報一旦上升,大家就會有更多向上流動的機會。

清末,曾國藩曾說,社會大亂之前,必有三種前兆:其一是無論何事,均黑白不分。其二是善良的人越來越客氣,無用之人越來越猖狂。其三是所有問題明明嚴重惡化,卻都被合理化及默許,還以不痛不癢、莫名其妙的方式虛應一番,卻不見人願意為這艘破船補補窟窿,甚至還假裝沒有看見。憑藉台灣過去的累積,原本大家想在體制內成功,只要像狗,忠誠可靠,恪盡職守,會看家護院、保護主人就會平步青雲;想在體制外奮鬥,只要像狼一樣,靈敏快捷,願意奮鬥冒險, 就會突圍而出。在既得利益者的刻意不作為下,現在的台灣,狗不再一定有人養著,還常勞力勞心,裡外不是人。而狼再狠,面對沒有獵物的戰場,早已不再是狼和食物的較量,而是狼與狼之間的撕咬。既然體制內吃不飽還會餓肚子,體制外拚死拚活還搶不到食物,當然最後只剩哭窮及憤怒了。

日本學者Miura Atsushi在《下流社會》一書提出中產階級下流化的概念,他認為一向穩定的中產階級正在萎縮,從中產躋身上流者鳳毛麟角,淪入下流者卻源源不斷,加上網絡和社交媒體的風行,哭窮成為一種政治正確,而炫富則被集體攻擊。最後只見社會處處負面情緒,累積爆發的就是憤怒。我覺得吧,人生一世,草木一秋。大家想追求的是活得積極、向上、有樂趣的日子,沒有人喜歡生活在負面情緒、憤怒哭窮的社會。台灣已經退無可退,政府一定要創造公平環境,提供機會,讓台灣人力得到合理定價,讓大家有可以改變命運的願想。

同時,必須去除攔住年輕人中產之路的門檻,比如收入不平等、通貨膨脹、房價上漲等。簡單來說,就是要讓現在的中產階級實現人盡其才、有限收入保值增值的機會,要讓下一代有公平競爭、躋身上流的機會。人生在世,要想毫不利己,太難;只會損人不利己,太蠢。最好是人己兩利,但窮怕了,就會出現寧願利己損人,也要賭一把的怪象,這樣的台灣不會與你我無關。

(作者為創投合夥人)


(中國時報)

2016年6月30日 星期四

Self­-Driving Tesla Was Involved in Fatal Crash, U.S. Says

Self­-Driving Tesla Was Involved in Fatal Crash, U.S. Says

By BILL VLASIC and NEAL BOUDETTE JUNE 30, 2016 DETROIT —

The race by automakers and technology firms to develop self­-driving cars has been fueled by the belief that computers can operate a vehicle more safely than human drivers. But that view is now in question after the revelation on Thursday that the driver of a Tesla Model S electric sedan was killed in an accident when the car was in self­-driving mode.

Federal regulators, who are in the early stages of setting guidelines for autonomous vehicles, have opened a formal investigation into the incident, which occurred on May 7 in Williston, Fla. In a statement, the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration said preliminary reports indicated that the crash occurred when a tractor­-trailer made a left turn in front of the Tesla, and the car failed to apply the brakes. It is the first known fatal accident involving a vehicle being driven by itself by means of sophisticated computer software, sensors, cameras and radar.

The safety agency did not identify the Tesla driver who was killed. But the Florida Highway Patrol identified him as Joshua Brown, 40, of Canton, Ohio. He was a Navy veteran who owned a technology consulting firm. In a news release, Tesla on Thursday described him as a man “who spent his life focused on innovation and the promise of technology and who believed strongly in Tesla’s mission.”

Mr. Brown posted videos of himself riding in autopilot mode. “The car’s doing it all itself,’’ he said in one, smiling as he took his hands from the steering wheel. In another, he praised the system for saving his car from an accident. A May obituary of Mr. Brown in The Greensburg Tribune Review in Westmoreland County, Pa., where he had formerly lived, said he had spent 11 years in the Navy and then founded a technology consulting company, Nexu Innovations. He is survived by his parents, Warren and Sueanne Brown, of Stow, Ohio, and his sister, Amanda Lee, the obituary said.

The Nexu Innovations website, describing Mr. Brown as founder and owner, said that in the Navy he had been on active duty as a “master explosive ordnance disposal technician,” including a stint with the Naval Special Warfare Development Group, which is commonly known as SEAL Team 6. Ricky Hammer, a retired Navy master chief who worked with Mr. Brown at the development group, said Mr. Brown had strong computer skills and “was the equivalent of an electrical engineer even though he didn’t have the degree.” In Iraq in 2006, he said, Mr. Brown played a crucial role in preparing captured explosive projectiles for shipment to the United States to support efforts to improve the armor on military vehicles. “He did it by being very aggressive,” Mr. Hammer said, noting that Mr. Brown helped to collect the projectiles after raids on bomb-­making shops and would X­ray them to determine their contents.

The traffic safety agency said it was working with the Florida Highway Patrol in the inquiry into Mr. Brown’s fatal accident. The agency cautioned that the opening of an investigation did not mean it thought there was a defect in the vehicle being examined. But the accident is a blow to Tesla at a time when the company is pushing to expand its product lineup from expensive electric vehicles to more mainstream models. The company on Thursday declined to say whether the technology or the driver or either were at fault in the accident.

In its news release it said, “Neither autopilot nor the driver noticed the white side of the tractor-­trailer against a brightly lit sky, so the brake was not applied.” The crash casts doubt on whether autonomous vehicles in general can consistently make split­-second, life­-or-­death driving decisions on the highway.

And other companies are increasing investments in self­-driving technology. Google, for example, recently announced plans to adapt 100 Chrysler minivans for autonomous driving. Earlier this year, G.M. acquired the software firm Cruise Automation to accelerate its own self­-driving applications.

Even as the companies conduct many tests on autonomous vehicles at both private facilities and on public highways, there is skepticism that the technology has progressed far enough for the government to approve cars that totally drive themselves.

The federal traffic safety agency is nearing the release of a new set of guidelines and regulations regarding the testing of self­-driving vehicles on public roads. They are expected to be released in July.

At a recent technology conference in Novi, Mich., the agency’s leader, Mark Rosekind, said self­-driving cars should at least be twice as safe as human drivers to result in a significant reduction in roadway deaths. “We need to start with two times better,’’ Mr. Rosekind said. “We need to set a higher bar if we expect safety to actually be a benefit here.”

Karl Brauer, an analyst with the auto research firm Kelley Blue Book, said the accident served as a signal that the technology might not be as advanced and ready for the market as some proponents have suggested. “This is a bit of a wake­up call,” Mr. Brauer said. “People who were maybe too aggressive in taking the position that we’re almost there, this technology is going to be in the market very soon, maybe need to reassess that.”

Tesla said in its news release that it had informed the traffic safety agency about the accident “immediately after it occurred.” But the company reported it publicly only on Thursday, after learning that the agency had begun to investigate. In the past, Elon Musk, the Tesla chief executive, has praised the company’s self­driving feature, introduced in the Model S last fall, as “probably better than a person right now.”

But in its statement on Thursday, the company cautioned that it was still only a test feature and noted that its use ‘‘requires explicit acknowledgment that the system is new technology.’’ It noted that when a driver activated the system, an acknowledgment box popped up, explaining that the autopilot mode “is an assist feature that requires you to keep your hands on the steering wheel at all times.”


Correction: June 30, 2016 An earlier version of this article misstated the location of Williston, Fla. It is about 100 miles northwest of Orlando, not 100 miles northeast of it.

2016年6月29日 星期三

You Break It, You Own It

You Break It, You Own It
Thomas L. Friedman JUNE 29, 2016

The British vote by a narrow majority to leave the European Union is not the end of the world — but it does show us how we can get there.

A major European power, a longtime defender of liberal democracy, pluralism and free markets, falls under the sway of a few cynical politicians who see a chance to exploit public fears of immigration to advance their careers. They create a stark binary choice on an incredibly complex issue, of which few people understand the full scope — stay in or quit the E.U.

These politicians assume that the dog will never catch the car and they will have the best of all worlds — opposing something unpopular but not having to deal with the implications of the public actually voting to get rid of it. But they so dumb down the debate with lies, fear­mongering and misdirection, and with only a simple majority required to win, that the leave­-the-­E.U. crowd carries the day by a small margin. Presto: the dog catches the car.

And, of course, it has no idea now what to do with this car. There is no plan. There is just barking.

Like I said, not the end of the world yet, but if a few more E.U. countries try this trick we’ll have quite a little mess on our hands. Attention Donald Trump voters: this is what happens to a country that falls for hucksters who think that life can just imitate Twitter — that there are simple answers to hard questions — and that small men can rearrange big complex systems by just erecting a wall and everything will be peachy.

But I digress. Because although withdrawing from the E.U. is not the right answer for Britain, the fact that this argument won, albeit with lies, tells you that people are feeling deeply anxious about something.

It’s the story of our time: the pace of change in technology, globalization and climate have started to outrun the ability of our political systems to build the social, educational, community, workplace and political innovations needed for some citizens to keep up.

We have globalized trade and manufacturing, and we have introduced robots and artificial intelligent systems, far faster than we have designed the social safety nets, trade surge protectors and educational advancement options that would allow people caught in this transition to have the time, space and tools to thrive.

It’s left a lot of people dizzy and dislocated. At the same time, we have opened borders deliberately — or experienced the influx of illegal migration from failing states at an unprecedented scale — and this too has left some people feeling culturally unanchored, that they are losing their “home” in the deepest sense of that word.

The physical reality of immigration, particularly in Europe, has run ahead of not only the host countries’ ability to integrate people but also of the immigrants’ ability to integrate themselves — and both are necessary for social stability.

And these rapid changes are taking place when our politics has never been more gridlocked and unable to respond with just common sense — like governments borrowing money at near zero interest to invest in much-­needed infrastructure that creates jobs and enables us to better exploit these technologies.

“Political power in the West has been failing its own test of legitimacy and accountability since 2008 — and in its desperation has chosen to erode it further by unforgivably abdicating responsibility through the use of a referendum on the E.U.,” said Nader Mousavizadeh, who co-­leads the London­-based global consulting firm Macro Advisory Partners.

But we need to understand that “the issue before us is ‘integration’ not ‘immigration,’” Mousavizadeh added. The lived experience in most cities in Europe today, is the fact that “a pluralistic, multiethnic society has grown up here, actually rather peacefully, and it has brought enormous benefits and prosperity. We need to change the focus of the problem — and the solution — from the physical reality of immigration to the political and economic challenge of integration.” Schools, hospitals and public institutions generally will not rise to the challenge of the 21st century “if social integration is failing.”

Indeed, in my view, the countries that nurture pluralism the best will be the ones that thrive the most in the 21st century. They will have the most political stability, attract the most talent and be able to collaborate with the most people. But it’s hard work. Yet in an age when technology is integrating us more tightly together and delivering tremendous flows of innovation, knowledge, connectivity and commerce, the future belongs to those who build webs not walls, who can integrate not separate, to get the most out of these flows.


Britain leaving the E.U. is a lose-­lose proposition. I hope the “Regrexit” campaign can reverse Brexit and that Americans will dump Trump. Never forget, after the destruction of World War II, the E.U. project “emerged as a force for peace, prosperity, democracy and freedom in the world,” noted Eric Beinhocker, the executive director of the Institute for New Economic Thinking at Oxford. “This is one of humankind’s great achievements. Rather than let it be destroyed we must use the shock of the Brexit vote to reimagine, reform, and rebuild a new Europe.” 

2016年6月28日 星期二

Democrats Need to Wake Up

Democrats Need to Wake Up

By BERNIE SANDERS JUNE 28, 2016 Surprise, surprise.

Workers in Britain, many of whom have seen a decline in their standard of living while the very rich in their country have become much richer, have turned their backs on the European Union and a globalized economy that is failing them and their children.

And it’s not just the British who are suffering. That increasingly globalized economy, established and maintained by the world’s economic elite, is failing people everywhere.

Incredibly, the wealthiest 62 people on this planet own as much wealth as the bottom half of the world’s population — around 3.6 billion people. The top 1 percent now owns more wealth than the whole of the bottom 99 percent. The very, very rich enjoy unimaginable luxury while billions of people endure abject poverty, unemployment, and inadequate health care, education, housing and drinking water. Could this rejection of the current form of the global economy happen in the United States? You bet it could.

During my campaign for the Democratic presidential nomination, I’ve visited 46 states. What I saw and heard on too many occasions were painful realities that the political and media establishment fail even to recognize. In the last 15 years, nearly 60,000 factories in this country have closed, and more than 4.8 million well­-paid manufacturing jobs have disappeared. Much of this is related to disastrous trade agreements that encourage corporations to move to low-­wage countries.

Despite major increases in productivity, the median male worker in America today is making $726 dollars less than he did in 1973, while the median female worker is making $1,154 less than she did in 2007, after adjusting for inflation. Nearly 47 million Americans live in poverty. An estimated 28 million have no health insurance, while many others are underinsured. Millions of people are struggling with outrageous levels of student debt. For perhaps the first time in modern history, our younger generation will probably have a lower standard of living than their parents.

Frighteningly, millions of poorly educated Americans will have a shorter life span than the previous generation as they succumb to despair, drugs and alcohol. Meanwhile, in our country the top one­-tenth of 1 percent now owns almost as much wealth as the bottom 90 percent. Fifty­-eight percent of all new income is going to the top 1 percent. Wall Street and billionaires, through their “super PACs,” are able to buy elections.

On my campaign, I’ve talked to workers unable to make it on $8 or $9 an hour; retirees struggling to purchase the medicine they need on $9,000 a year of Social Security; young people unable to afford college. I also visited the American citizens of Puerto Rico, where some 58 percent of the children live in poverty and only a little more than 40 percent of the adult population has a job or is seeking one.

Let’s be clear. The global economy is not working for the majority of people in our country and the world. This is an economic model developed by the economic elite to benefit the economic elite. We need real change. But we do not need change based on the demagogy, bigotry and anti-immigrant sentiment that punctuated so much of the Leave campaign’s rhetoric — and is central to Donald J. Trump’s message.

We need a president who will vigorously support international cooperation that brings the people of the world closer together, reduces hyper-nationalism and decreases the possibility of war. We also need a president who respects the democratic rights of the people, and who will fight for an economy that protects the interests of working people, not just Wall Street, the drug companies and other powerful special interests. We need to fundamentally reject our “free trade” policies and move to fair trade. Americans should not have to compete against workers in low­-wage countries who earn pennies an hour.

We must defeat the Trans­-Pacific Partnership. We must help poor countries develop sustainable economic models. We need to end the international scandal in which large corporations and the wealthy avoid paying trillions of dollars in taxes to their national governments. We need to create tens of millions of jobs worldwide by combating global climate change and by transforming the world’s energy system away from fossil fuels. We need international efforts to cut military spending around the globe and address the causes of war: poverty, hatred, hopelessness and ignorance.

The notion that Donald Trump could benefit from the same forces that gave the Leave proponents a majority in Britain should sound an alarm for the Democratic Party in the United States.

Millions of American voters, like the Leave supporters, are understandably angry and frustrated by the economic forces that are destroying the middle class. In this pivotal moment, the Democratic Party and a new Democratic president need to make clear that we stand with those who are struggling and who have been left behind. We must create national and global economies that work for all, not just a handful of billionaires.



2016年6月26日 星期日

Britain’s Brexit Leap in the Dark

Britain’s Brexit Leap in the Dark

Roger Cohen JUNE 24, 2016 LONDON —

The British have given the world’s political, financial and business establishment a massive kick in the teeth by voting to leave the European Union, a historic decision that will plunge Britain into uncertainty for years to come and reverses the integration on which the Continent’s stability has been based.

Warnings about the dire consequences of a British exit from President Barack Obama, Britain’s political leaders, major corporations based in Britain and the International Monetary Fund proved useless. If anything, they goaded a mood of defiant anger against those very elites.

This resentment has its roots in many things but may be summed up as a revolt against global capitalism. To heck with the experts and political correctness was the predominant mood in the end.

A majority of Britons had no time for the politicians that brought the world a disastrous war in Iraq, the 2008 financial meltdown, European austerity, stagnant working-­class wages, high immigration and tax havens for the super­rich.

That some of these issues have no direct link to the European Union or its much­maligned Brussels bureaucrats did not matter. It was a convenient target in this restive moment that has also made Donald Trump the presumptive Republican nominee — and may now take him further still on a similar wave of nativism and anti­-establishment rage.

David Cameron, the British prime minister prodded into holding the referendum by the right of his Conservative Party, said he would resign, staying on in a caretaker capacity for a few months. This was the right call, and an inevitable one.

He has led the country into a debacle. The pound duly plunged some 10 percent to its lowest level since 1985. Global markets were rattled. Mainstream European politicians lamented a sad day for Europe and Britain; rightists like Marine Le Pen in France exulted. The world has entered a period of grave volatility.

Ever­-greater unity was a foundation stone since the 1950s not only of peace in Europe, putting an end to the repetitive wars that had ravaged generations of Europeans, but also of the global political order. Now all bets are off. A process of European unraveling may have begun.

A core assumption of American foreign policy — that a united Europe had overcomes its divisions — has been undermined. Geert Wilders, the right­wing anti­-immigrant Dutch politician, promptly tweeted: “Hurrah for the British! Now it is our turn. Time for a Dutch referendum!” The European Union is more vulnerable than at any point since its inception.

The sacred images of old — like French President François Mitterrand and German Chancellor Helmut Kohl hand­in­hand at Verdun — have lost their resonance. The travails of the euro, the tide of immigration (both within the European Union from poorer to richer members and from outside), and high unemployment have led to an eerie collective loss of patience, prudence and memory. Anything but this has become a widespread sentiment; irrationality is in the air.

The colossal leap in the dark that a traditionally cautious people — the British — were prepared to take has to be taken seriously. It suggests that other such leaps could occur elsewhere, perhaps in Trump’s America. A Trump victory in November is more plausible now because it has an immediate precedent in a developed democracy ready to trash the status quo for the high-­risk unknown.

Fifty­two percent of the British population was ready to face higher unemployment, a weaker currency, possible recession, political turbulence, the loss of access to a market of a half-­billion people, a messy divorce that may take as long as two years to complete, a very long subsequent negotiation of Britain’s relationship with Europe, and the tortuous redrafting of laws and trade treaties and environmental regulations — all for what the right­wing leader Nigel Farage daftly called “Independence Day.”

Britain was a sovereign nation before this vote in every significant sense. It remains so. Estrangement Day would be more apt.

The English were also prepared to risk something else: the break­up of the United Kingdom. Scotland voted to remain in the European Union by a margin of 62 percent to 38 percent. Northern Ireland voted to remain by 56 percent to 44 percent. The Scots will now likely seek a second referendum on independence. Divisions were not only national. London voted overwhelmingly to remain. But the countryside, small towns and hard­-hit industrial provincial industrial centers voted overwhelmingly to leave and carried the day. A Britain fissured between a liberal, metropolitan class centered in London and the rest was revealed.

Europe’s failings — and they have been conspicuous over the past decade — are simply not sufficient to explain what Britain has done to itself. This was a vote against the global economic and social order that the first 16 years of the 21st century have produced. Where it leads is unclear. The worst is not inevitable but it is plausible.

 Britain will remain an important power. But it will punch beneath its weight. It faces serious, long-­term political and economic risk. Anger was most focused on the hundreds of thousands of immigrants coming into Britain each year, most from other European Union nations like Poland. Farage’s U.K. Independence Party, abetted by much of the press, was able to whip up a storm that conflated E.U. immigration with the trickle from the Middle East.

Wild myths, like imminent Turkish membership of the European Union, were cultivated. Violence entered the campaign on a wave of xenophobia and take­our-country back rhetoric. In this light, it is not surprising that Trump supporters were delighted. Sarah Palin welcomed the “good news.” One tweet from a supporter read: “I’m thrilled with U.K. 1st step — time 4 all the dominoes 2 fall, every country to leave & end the E.U.”

Trump arrived in Britain on Friday, a timely visit. He said the vote to quit the E.U. was “a great thing” and the British “took back their country.” He did not say from whom, but the specter of our times is a dark, controlling global force stealing national identity. It is quite likely that Cameron’s successor will be Boris Johnson, the bombastic, mercurial and sometimes fact­-lite former London mayor with his trademark mop of blond hair. Johnson was a leader of the campaign for “Brexit”; he may now reap his political reward. The Era of the Hair looms.

Timothy Garton Ash, the historian, paraphrasing Churchill on democracy, wrote before the referendum that: “The Europe we have today is the worst possible Europe, apart from all the other Europes that have been tried from time to time.” It was a wise call to prudence in the imperfect real world. Now, driven by myths about sovereignty and invading hordes, Britain has ushered in another time of treacherous trial for the European Continent and for itself. My nephew wrote on Facebook that he had never been less proud of his country. I feel the same way about the country I grew up in and left.


Brexit’s Stunning Coup

Brexit’s Stunning Coup By TONY BLAIR JUNE 24, 2016 London

— THE decision of British voters in Thursday’s referendum to leave the European Union will have vast consequences for Britain, for Europe and for the world. For a day, the British people were the government, and by 52 percent to 48 percent, they took the decision to go.

I was a British prime minister who believed completely that Britain’s future lay in Europe. I was the prime minister responsible for legislating substantial selfrule in Scotland so that it would remain part of the United Kingdom. I negotiated the Good Friday Agreement so that Northern Ireland could be at peace within Britain. Because the result of the referendum has put so much of this at risk, Friday became a day of great personal, as well as political, sadness.

The immediate impact of the Brexit vote is economic. The fallout has been as swift as it was predictable. At one point on Friday, the pound hit a 30­year low against the dollar, and a leading British stock index had dropped more than 8 percent. The nation’s credit rating is under threat. The lasting effect, however, may be political, and with global implications. If the economic shocks continue, then the British experiment will serve as a warning. But if they abate, then populist movements in other countries will gain momentum. How did this happen?

The right in British politics found an issue that’s causing palpitations in the body politic the world over: immigration. Part of the Conservative Party, allied with the far­right U.K. Independence Party, took this issue and focused its campaign to leave Europe on it. This strategy could not have succeeded, though, without finding common cause with a significant segment of Labour voters. These Labour supporters did not get a clear message from their own party, whose leader, Jeremy Corbyn, was lukewarm about remaining in the union. They were drawn by the Leavers’ promise that Brexit would bring an end to the country’s perceived immigration problems. And, worried about their flatlining incomes and cuts in public spending, these Labour voters saw this vote as an opportunity to register an anti­government protest. The strains within Britain that led to this referendum result are universal, at least in the West. Insurgent movements of left and right, posing as standardbearers of a popular revolt against the political establishment, can spread and grow at scale and speed.

Today’s polarized and fragmented news coverage only encourages such insurgencies — an effect magnified many times by the social media revolution. It was already clear before the Brexit vote that modern populist movements could take control of political parties. What wasn’t clear was whether they could take over a country like Britain. Now we know they can.

Those in the political center were demonized as out­-of-­touch elites, as though the people leading the insurgency were ordinary folks — which, in the case of the Brexit campaign, is a laughable proposition. The campaign made the word “expert” virtually a term of abuse, and when experts warned of the economic harm that would follow Brexit, they were castigated as “scaremongers.” Immigrants were described as a bunch of scroungers coming to grab Britons’ jobs and benefits when, in reality, the recent migrants from Eastern Europe contribute far more in taxes than they take in welfare payments. And besides, immigration to Britain from outside the European Union will not be affected by the referendum decision.

The political center has lost its power to persuade and its essential means of connection to the people it seeks to represent. Instead, we are seeing a convergence of the far left and far right. The right attacks immigrants while the left rails at bankers, but the spirit of insurgency, the venting of anger at those in power and the addiction to simple, demagogic answers to complex problems are the same for both extremes. Underlying it all is a shared hostility to globalization.

Britain and Europe now face a protracted period of economic and political uncertainty, as the British government tries to negotiate a future outside the single market where half of Britain’s goods and services are traded. These new arrangements — to be clear about the scale of the challenge — must be negotiated with all the other 27 countries, their individual parliaments and the European Parliament. Some governments may be cooperative; others won’t want to make leaving easy for Britain, in order to discourage similar movements. Britain is a strong country, with a resilient people and energy and creativity in abundance. I don’t doubt Britons’ capacity to come through, whatever the cost. But the stress on the United Kingdom is already apparent. Voters in Scotland chose by a large margin to remain in Europe, with the result that there are renewed calls for another referendum on Scottish independence. Northern Ireland has benefited from virtually open borders with the Republic of Ireland. That freedom is at risk because the North’s border with the South now becomes the European Union’s border, a potential threat to the Northern Ireland peace process.

If the people — usually a repository of common sense and practicality — do something that appears neither sensible nor practical, then it forces a period of long and hard reflection.

My own politics is waking to this new political landscape. The same dangerous impulses are visible, too, in American politics, but the challenges of globalization cannot be met by isolationism or shutting borders. The center must regain its political traction, rediscover its capacity to analyze the problems we all face and find solutions that rise above the populist anger. If we do not succeed in beating back the far left and far right before they take the nations of Europe on this reckless experiment, it will end the way such rash action always does in history: at best, in disillusion; at worst, in rancorous division. The center must hold. Tony Blair was the prime minister of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from 1997 to 2007.


人本,金融資本主義下的真實彼岸

人本,金融資本主義下的真實彼岸

2016-06-25
聯合報 陳立恆 (亞太文化創意產業協會創會理事長)

現實版的鋼鐵俠埃隆.馬斯克(Elon Musk)之前大發驚人之語,表示人類只有十億分之一的機會活在真實世界,姑且不論你我對於人工智能與虛擬現實的發展觀點為何,在我看來,廿一世紀的人類千真萬確地活在金融資本主義控制下的娑婆世界,一個苦多樂少、貧富天壤的五濁空間,困惑著全世界七十億人口不得出離。

所謂金融資本主義,是指金融資本主導著國家或世界的社會、政治與經濟,並藉由金融系統操作的貨幣財富積累,凌駕於產品生產或是服務輸出之上的一種經濟制度,如同五月英國衛報上拉娜.弗魯哈(Rana Foroohar)關於美國資本主義潰敗的專欄所示,現在的全球經濟已不是靠實體市場支撐,過去在傳統資本主義制度中,金融機構的存在原本是為了將勞動者的儲蓄,匯集到需要擴張的企業手中,目前只有十五%金融機構資產服務於這一項目,其餘的資本則落入到一個相對封閉的投機交易循環當中,也就是我們自二○○八年來所熟知的、充滿槓桿與債務的虛擬數字世界,就連一些如同蘋果一樣的世界五百強企業,都加入了發行公司債再回購公司股票、支撐股價這樣的金融操作,只消某家企業或某個政府一步之差,這個危如累卵的虛擬數字世界,又會如金融海嘯一樣,再次劫水漫世。

誠然,身處在金融資本主義裡,最駭人聽聞不是天文數字虛假,而是只有少數投機者可優游於虛假堆積出的美好幻影,大部分勞動者卻要忍受虛假崩落後的醜陋絕望,這就是金融資本主義帶給我們這時代最巨大的黑洞:「樂即是空、苦竟是真」,如此的人間黑洞,但憑人工智能與虛擬現實恐怕也不能填補。

按照佛家說法,即使五濁惡苦的娑婆世界亦有星星善火,我相信這個逐漸沉淪的時代,依然有機會逃離金融資本主義的黑洞,除了幾個在金融主義裡浮沉的強勢經濟體,特別是英、美、歐盟等,應當同心協力出手系列金融改革政策,也為金融以外的實體產業復興挹注資源,更重要的是,那些已被金融資本化的企業與其經營者們,必須經歷一場回歸人本的思想覺醒。

「以人為本」,乍聽之下並不商業,但其實最在商言商,因為「人」是組成市場的最小單位,所有脫離「人」的需求或是供給的市場,諸如十七世紀的荷蘭鬱金香,或上世紀九○年代的日本房地產,注定成為後繼無力的泡沫。

因此,我們需要各國政府遏止金融資本主義的虛無擴張,同時鼓勵企業家聯合科學家、設計師與勞動者,進行「以人為本」的創意發想與勞動生產,才可能在金融泡沫氾濫的今天,登上市場經濟的真實彼岸;否則無論英國脫歐與否、美國總統是男是女、台灣未來朝西朝南,全世界都將困坐在一個假性成長、隨時傾頹的全球經濟裡等待下一場幻滅。


(作者為亞太文化創意產業協會創會理事長)