2017年2月20日 星期一

No, Robots Aren’t Killing the American Dream

No, Robots Aren’t Killing the American Dream
By THE EDITORIAL BOARD FEB. 20, 2017

Defenders of globalization are on solid ground when they criticize President Trump’s threats of punitive tariffs and border walls. The economy can’t flourish without trade and immigrants. But many of those defenders have their own dubious explanation for the economic disruption that helped to fuel the rise of Mr. Trump.

At a recent global forum in Dubai, Christine Lagarde, head of the International Monetary Fund, said some of the economic pain ascribed to globalization was instead due to the rise of robots taking jobs. In his farewell address in January, President Barack Obama warned that “the next wave of economic dislocations won’t come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes a lot of good middle­class jobs obsolete.”

Blaming robots, though, while not as dangerous as protectionism and xenophobia, is also a distraction from real problems and real solutions. The rise of modern robots is the latest chapter in a centuries­-old story of technology replacing people. Automation is the hero of the story in good times and the villain in bad. Since today’s middle class is in the midst of a prolonged period of wage stagnation, it is especially vulnerable to blame­-the-­robot rhetoric. And yet, the data indicate that today’s fear of robots is outpacing the actual advance of robots. If automation were rapidly accelerating, labor productivity and capital investment would also be surging as fewer workers and more technology did the work. But labor productivity and capital investment have actually decelerated in the 2000s. While breakthroughs could come at any time, the problem with automation isn’t robots; it’s politicians, who have failed for decades to support policies that let workers share the wealth from technology­-led growth.

The response in previous eras was quite different. When automation on the farm resulted in the mass migration of Americans from rural to urban areas in the early decades of the 20th century, agricultural states led the way in instituting universal public high school education to prepare for the future. At the dawn of the modern technological age at the end of World War II, the G.I. Bill turned a generation of veterans into college graduates. When productivity led to vast profits in America’s auto industry, unions ensured that pay rose accordingly. Corporate efforts to keep profits high by keeping pay low were countered by a robust federal minimum wage and time­-and­-a­-half for overtime. Fair taxation of corporations and the wealthy ensured the public a fair share of profits from companies enriched by government investments in science and technology.

Productivity and pay rose in tandem for decades after World War II, until labor and wage protections began to be eroded. Public education has been given short shrift, unions have been weakened, tax overhauls have benefited the rich and basic labor standards have not been updated. As a result, gains from improving technology have been concentrated at the top, damaging the middle class, while politicians blame immigrants and robots for the misery that is due to their own failures.

Eroded policies need to be revived, and new ones enacted. A curb on stock buybacks would help to ensure that executives could not enrich themselves as wages lagged. Tax reform that increases revenue from corporations and the wealthy could help pay for retraining and education to protect and prepare the work force for foreseeable technological advancements. Legislation to foster child care, elder care and fair scheduling would help employees keep up with changes in the economy, rather than losing ground.


Economic history shows that automation not only substitutes for human labor, it complements it. The disappearance of some jobs and industries gives rise to others. Nontechnology industries, from restaurants to personal fitness, benefit from the consumer demand that results from rising incomes in a growing economy. But only robust public policy can ensure that the benefits of growth are broadly shared. If reforms are not enacted — as is likely with President Trump and congressional Republicans in charge — Americans should blame policy makers, not robots. 

2017年2月7日 星期二

人工智慧超越人腦,就在2046?

人工智慧超越人腦,就在2046
20170207
林建甫專欄

2046」,也就是30年後的世界,可能會起驚天動地的變化。1月初阿里巴巴研究院舉辦了「遠見2046—第二屆新經濟智庫大會」,會議以「2046」為主軸,就當前技術與觀念推測30年後的發展。為何要特別強調2046年?因為「未來學」中對於「奇點」(singularity)的討論,2046年可能就是「人工智慧超過人腦智慧」的時點。

不意外地,學界對於「奇點」的看法分歧很大。甚至有專家認為「奇點」根本不會降臨。不過2013年人工智慧思想家Nick Bostrom做了一個調查,問了數百位人工智慧的專家,請他們預測人工智慧與人腦平起平坐的「強人工智慧」(Artificial General Intelligence, AGI什麼時候會實現?調查結果位於中位數的專家認為有50%的機會在2040年實現,同時有超過一半的專家認為有90%的機率在有生之年可以見到強人工智慧的實現。Bostrom更進一步詢問這些專家,什麼時後可以看到超過人腦智慧的「超人工智慧」(Artificial Superintelligence, ASI)出現,位於中位數的專家認為從強人工智慧到超人工智慧可能要花20年左右。也就是說,2040年將有一半機率實現強人工智慧,而2060年很可能就會出現超人工智慧。

另外,作家James BarratBen Goertzel人工智慧年會也做了調查,有42%的與會者認為2030年強人工智慧會出現,25%認為在2050年,2100年以後有30%,只有2%認為永遠不會出現。

而被《華爾街日報》、《富比士》《Inc.》等雜誌譽為天才,也被比爾蓋茨稱為「我認識的對人工智慧預測最厲害的人」的Ray Kurzweil,則相信2029年強人工智慧將實現,而過完2045年奇點將會成真。而且Kurzweil的奇點時代,並不只是超人工智慧的實現,還包括生物技術及奈米技術的突破,當前人類所面臨的能源、糧食、疾病等所有問題,到時都將獲得解決,甚至包括可以在血液中安置的奈米機器人,用以維持身體運作的健康。Kurzweil的論點比科幻片更玄,但還是有很多人真的相信他。

Google與美國太空總署NASA不僅相信Kurzweil,更大力支持,出資成立「奇點大學」(Singularity University)──一所旨在解決「人類面臨的重大挑戰」,致力於培養未來科學家的學校。其研究領域,除了人工智慧,還包括合成生物學、奈米技術等。

這些走在人類科技最前端的精英,已經在為未來30年甚至50年的發展做準備,而美國將這門科學稱之為「未來學」,它是一門研究未來的科學,並不像占星術一樣的虛無縹緲,而是一門十分高深的學問,以人類發展的歷史文化為基礎,再結合最新的科技知識,對正在進行的事件做出合理的推斷,原理上與預測經濟成長率一樣,但技術上更加複雜。

鑑往知來19世紀蒸汽動力時代,各國布滿高聳的煙囪,冒著濃煙的火車,以電報為代表的電子技術剛剛成形,當時科學家就預測的未來是「電馬」拖著馬車在街上跑,而天上飛的是會冒煙的蒸汽飛機,而最後出現的是更方便、更節能、更快速的汽車與飛機。當時科學家的預期不僅成真,而且出現的結果遠比預期的更好。

「人無遠慮、必有近憂」,許多先進國家都已經將未來學視為政策參考的重要依據。不可諱言,只要能約略看到未來30年社會發展的輪廓,都有助於政策的擬定,讓國家立於不敗之地。然而,目前台灣對於「未來」的探討十分稀少,不僅政府、企業及民眾缺乏這方面的訊息,國內智庫及專家也幾乎沒有人在討論。有識者應率先來推動,使之蔚為風潮。

(作者為台灣經濟研究院院長、台灣大學經濟系教授)


(中國時報)